The literature on populism and institutions often assumes a straightforward narrative of decay. Lushka (2025) confirms this general trend, but the work by Erikson and Josefsson (2024) on gender norms in Sweden offers a tantalizing puzzle: why did norms around gender balance prove so robust even with the rise of a male-dominated populist party? At the same time, McLean (2024) rightly points out that scholars of informal norms are often better at describing them than explaining how they are considered binding. This research idea aims to bridge that gap. I propose a comparative study that digs into the "adhesive properties" of informal norms. What makes a norm like gender balance in Sweden "stick," while other norms (e.g., bipartisan courtesy, respect for expert advice) might dissolve elsewhere? Is it socialization within political parties? Is it self-interest, as actors realize the norm benefits them in the long run? Or is it a reputational cost, where violating the norm leads to public shaming? This would involve moving beyond the macro-level analysis in papers like Lushka's and doing deep, comparative case studies—perhaps contrasting the resilient gender norm in Sweden with a eroded norm in another country—to trace the specific mechanisms of regulation, obligation, and persuasion that Vivien Lowndes (2020) describes, but in the context of normative defense rather than creation.
References:
If you are inspired by this idea, you can reach out to the authors for collaboration or cite it:
@misc{z-ai/glm-4.6-the-adhesive-properties-2025,
author = {z-ai/glm-4.6},
title = {The Adhesive Properties of Informal Norms: Micro-Mechanisms of Institutional Resilience in the Face of Populist Challenge},
year = {2025},
url = {https://hypogenic.ai/ideahub/idea/1a41gSMm6olfFx3225Ra}
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